TIME: Almanac 1995

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<text id=93CT1601> <title> Bangladesh--History </title> <history> Compact ALMANAC--CIA Factbook South Asia Bangladesh </history> <article> <source>CIA World Factbook</source> <hdr> History </hdr> <body> The area that now is Bangladesh has a rich historical and cultural past, the product of the repeated influx of varied peoples, bringing with them the Dravidian, Indo-Aryan, Mongol/Mughul Arab, Persian, Turkic, and West European cultures. About A.D. 1200, Muslim invaders, under Sufi influence, supplanted previously existing Hindu and Buddhist dynasties, resulting in the conversion of most of the population of the eastern areas of Bengal to Islam and leaving a strong Muslim minority in the areas of Bengal that currently are part of India. Since then, Islam has played a crucial role in the region's history and politics. In the 16th century, Bengal was absorbed into the Mughul Empire, and Dhaka, the seat of a Nawab, or the representative of the emperor, gained some importance as a provincial center. Bengal, however, especially the section east of the Brahmaputra, remained a remote, difficult-to-govern region, outside the mainstream of Mughul politics. Portuguese traders and missionaries were the first Europeans to reach Bengal, in the latter part of the 15th century. They were followed by representatives of the Dutch, the French, and the British East India Companies. By the end of the 17th century, the British presence was centered on the trading "factories" along the Hooghly River in Calcutta, but during the 18th and 19th centuries, especially after the defeat of the French in 1757, the British gradually extended commercial contacts and administrative control beyond Calcutta, into the remainder of Bengal and northwesterly up the Ganges River valley. In 1859, the British Crown replaced the East India Company, and the British raj, still centered in the Writers Building in Calcutta, extended all the way to the Indus River in the west. The late 19th century witnessed the rise of the nationalist movement throughout British India, but this quickly gave birth to mounting antagonisms between the vast Hindu and Muslim communities, as each community gained confidence and sought a solution to its nationalist aspirations most compatible with its own vision of the future. In 1885, the All-India National Congress was founded with mixed Indian and British membership, but by 1906, Muslims sought an organization of their own not dominated by the Hindu majority, founding the All-India Muslim League in Dhaka. In 1909, at league urging, the British authorities provided for separate electorates for the Hindu and Muslim communities throughout British India. This period also saw the short-lived division of Bengal into eastern and western sectors, a move welcomed by many Muslims but opposed by many in the Hindu community. This dispute and the 1911 reintegration of Bengal contributed greatly to Bengali and Muslim political awareness. The subsequent history of the nationalist movement was characterized by period of Hindu-Muslim cooperation as well as communal antagonism and bloodshed, but communal tensions hardened in the post-World War I period, following the introduction of provincial-style governments under the Government of India Act of 1919 and the adoption by the congress of its demand for self-government in 1929. By the late 1920s the congress and the League had become strong opposing political forces, even more so after the abortive elections of 1937, which underscored to the Muslims that self-government in a post- British India would relegate most Muslims to Hindu domination. Philosophically, this led to the development of the so-called "two-nation" theory, which held that the Muslims of the subcontinent constituted another "nation" and must have a homeland separate from that of the Hindus. The formal political embodiment of this theory took place in Lahore in 1940 when the All-India Muslim League passed a resolution declaring that "the areas in which the Muslims are numerically in the majority, as in the northwestern and eastern zones of India, should be grouped to constitute 'independent states' in which the constituent units should be autonomous and sovereign." The Muslim League, campaigning on a Pakistan platform, won the majority of the Muslim seats contested in Bengal in the 1946 provincial elections. Widespread communal violence followed, especially in Calcutta, and when British India was partitioned and the independent dominions of India and Pakistan were created in 1947, Bengal was again divided. East Pakistan was carved from the preponderantly Muslim east Bengal and the Sylhet District of Assam, while predominantly Hindu western Bengal became the Indian state of West Bengal. Extensive demographic and economic dislocation followed. Almost from the advent of independent Pakistan in 1947, frictions developed between its two halves, east and west Pakistan, which were separated by more than 1,600 kilometers (1,000 mi.) of India territory. The economic dislocation brought on by partition accentuated economic grievances--real and apparent--and over time these became a major cause of dissatisfaction in East Pakistan, whose citizens felt exploited by the West Pakistan-dominated central government in Karachi. East Pakistan was poorer than West Pakistan, and a slower rate of economic development increased the gap. Many East Pakistanis felt they had merely shifted colonial rulers, contributing their jute earnings--Pakistan's primary hard-currency earner--to the national exchequer but receiving little in return. Government policies favored the west wing; the concentration of the elite of the Pakistan Movement in West Pakistan and the west wing's burgeoning economic opportunities, moreover, focused the bulk of investment there. Linguistic, cultural, and ethnic differences also were important in the estrangement of East from West Pakistan. Bengalis strongly resisted attempts to impose Urdu as the sole official language of Pakistan. (Urdu, the language of Muslims of the Gangetic heartland, was brought to West Pakistan by the leaders of the Pakistan movement when they migrated from India after partition in 1947; Urdu was not native to any region in what became Pakistan.) Pro-Bengali sentiment, supported by a rich cultural and literary heritage in Bengali and fanned into violence in pro-Bengali/anti-Urdu demonstrations by university students in 1952, played a key role in the growth of a new Bengali nationalism and ensured Bengali co-equal status with Urdu as an official language of the united country. The failure of constitutional rule in East Pakistan in 1954, the subsequent impositions of presidential rule there and later of martial law in both wings, coupled with the subsequent decision to transform the West Pakistan polity into one province--i.e., "one unit," so as to balance out East Pakistan's provincial plurality (and latent majority), added a political dimension to the growing sense of estrangement in the east and of impatience in the west. Even with national political leadership shared between East and West Pakistanis, disparities between the two wings' shares of representation in the military and civil services also caused growing resentment and gave further impetus in the east to the movement for provincial autonomy. As early as 1949, this movement was reflected politically by the formation of the Awami League, a party designed mainly to promote Bengali interests. After Gen. Ayub Khan took control of the country in 1958, resentment grew, as the nation's political leadership increasingly became dominated not by the Urdu-speaking "muhajirs," who had led the Pakistan movement and migrated to West Pakistan from India, but rather by those who were Punjabi speakers and called West Pakistan their traditional home. In 1966, the president of the Awami League, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, who was known widely as "Mujib" and had emerged as leader of the autonomy movement, was arrested for his political activities. His six-point program providing for political and economic autonomy for East Pakistan gained wide appeal in the east but was rejected by most elements of West Pakistani opinion. However, Bengali opinion coalesced around Mujib and his program in the campaign against the policies of Ayub Khan's central government. As the campaign grew, violence mounted in East Pakistan, and in 1969, faced with student unrest in West Pakistan as well, Ayub Khan stepped down after 11 years in office. He was replaced by Gen. Yahya Khan, former commander of East Pakistan's military garrison, who vowed to return the nation to democratic civilian rule and to draft a new constitution granting considerable autonomy to both the east and west wings. In the 1970-71 elections, Mujib's Awami League won more than 70% of the Bengali popular vote and 167 of 169 seats allotted to East Pakistan in the proposed 313-seat National Assembly, which would sit alternately in the east and west wings. It also won 288 of 300 seats in the planned East Pakistan Assembly. The unexpectedly strong showing of the Awami League jolted the national leadership and was followed by negotiations among political leaders in East and West Pakistan. However, the talks were unable to bridge differences over fundamental constitutional questions relating to the division of power between the central government and the provinces, and on March 1, 1971, Yahya Khan indefinitely postponed the pending National Assembly session. This precipitated massive civil disobedience in East Pakistan, and when efforts at negotiation failed anew, the army was called out to suppress Bengali dissidence by force. Mujib was again arrested in March; his party was banned, and most of his aides fled to India, where they organized a provisional government. On March 26, 1971, following the Pakistan army crack-down, Bengali nationalists declared an independent People's Republic of Bangladesh. As open fighting grew between the army and the Bengali Mukti Bahini (freedom fighters), an estimated 10 million Bengalis, mainly Hindus, sought refuge in the Indian states of Assam and West Bengal; within East Pakistan itself, countless thousands more were displaced. The evolving crisis in East Pakistan, moreover, produced new strains in Pakistan's troubled relations with India. The two nations had fought a war in 1965, concentrated mainly in the west, but the refugee pressure in India in the fall of 1971 produced new tensions in the east, with Indian sympathies on the side of East Pakistan. Despite appeals from third parties for restraint, open hostilities erupted between Pakistani and Indian forces in November, and India intervened on the side of the Bangladeshis. The battle was over in less than a month, when, on December 16, 1971, Pakistani forces surrendered and the new nation of Bangladesh was born. Political Conditions The provisional government of the new nation was formed in Dhaka, and when Mujib was released from detention in Pakistan in early January 1972, it was reconstituted with Justice Abu Sayeed Choudhury as president and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as prime minister. Mujib came to office with immense personal popularity but had difficulty quickly transforming this popular support into the political strength necessary to function effectively as head of government. The new constitution, which came into force in December 1972, created a strong executive prime ministership, an independent judiciary, and a unicameral legislature on a modified Westminster model; more importantly, it enunciated as state policy the Awami League's four basic principles--nationalism, secularism, socialism, and democracy. Parliamentary elections under the new constitution were first held in March 1973, with the Awami League winning a massive majority. The League continued as a mass movement, espousing the cause that brought Bangladesh into being and representing disparate and often incoherent elements under the banner of Bangla nationalism. No other political party in Bangladesh's early years was able to duplicate or challenge its broad-based appeal, membership, or organizational strength. Relying heavily on experienced civil servants and members of the Awami League, the new Bangladesh Government focused on relief, rehabilitation, and reconstruction of the country's war- ravaged economy and society. Economic conditions remained tenuous, however, and food and health difficulties continued to be endemic. In December 1974, Mujib determined that continuing economic deterioration and mounting civil disorder required strong measures; he proclaimed a state of emergency and, a month later, used his parliamentary majority to amend the constitution to limit the powers of the legislative and judicial branches, to establish an executive presidency, and to institute a one-party system. Calling these changes the "Second Revolution," Mujib assumed the presidency, and all political parties were dissolved except a single new party, the Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League (BAKSAL), which all members of parliament were obliged to join. Despite some improvement in the economic situation during the first half of 1975, implementation of promised political reforms was slow, and criticism of government policies became increasingly centered on Mujib. In August 1975, Mujib was assassinated by mid-level army officers, and a new government, headed by former Mujib associate Khandakar Moshtaque, was formed. Successive military coups occurred on November 3 and 7, resulting in the emergence of Gen. Ziaur Rahman, Chief of Army Staff, as strongman. He pledged the army's support to the civilian government headed by the president, Chief Justice Sayem. Acting at Zia's behest, Sayem then promulgated martial law, naming himself Chief Martial Law Administrator (CMLA), instituting a council of advisers to replace the old cabinet, dissolving parliament, and promising new elections in 1977. Acting behind the scenes of the Martial Law Administration, (MLA), Ziaur Rahman sought to invigorate government policy and administration. While continuing the ban on political parties, he sought to revitalize the demoralized bureaucracy, to begin new economic development programs, and to emphasize family planning. In July 1976, the MLA permitted the reorganization of political parties under strict government guidance, but before active campaigning for the parliamentary elections scheduled for February 1977 could begin, elections were again postponed, purportedly because of border troubles with India and the proliferation of political parties. In November 1976, Zia assumed the post of CMLA, and in April 1977 he further consolidated his authority by assuming the presidency upon the retirement of President Sayem. He promised national elections by December 1978. As president, Zia announced a 19-point program of economic reform, which subsequently received an overwhelmingly favorable vote in a nationwide referendum. Later that year, he began dismantling the MLA and, in early 1978, met with various political leaders to form a broad- based political front. In the June presidential elections, Zia was supported by a coalition of centrist parties, with some support on the left as well. His main opponent, retired Gen. Osmani, a former cabinet member and commander of the Mukti Bahini in 1971, drew support from a rival political front consisting of the Awami League and several small leftist parties. Benefiting from his reputation for vigorous leadership and from public satisfaction with domestic stability and stable food prices, Zia won a 5-year term in the June 1978 elections with 76% of the vote. In November 1978, his government removed the remaining restrictions on political parties activities and encouraged opposition parties to participate in the pending parliamentary elections. More than 30 parties vied in the parliamentary elections of February 1979, but only four won a significant number of seats. Zia's Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) won 207 of the 300 elected seats. This election marked the end of Zia's transformation of the MLA to a democratically elected, constitutional government. The constitution was again amended to provide for an executive prime minister appointed by the president and responsible to a parliamentary majority. The presidency retained considerable emergency powers and continued to head the cabinet but was no longer able to veto any bill passed by the parliament. The Zia period came to a sudden end in Chittagong in May 1981 when he was assassinated by dissident elements of the military. The attempted coup, which never spread beyond that city, failed, and the major conspirators were either taken into custody or killed. In accordance with the constitution, Vice President Justice Abdus Sattar was sworn in as acting president. He declared a new national emergency and called for election of a new president within 6 months. In those elections, held in November, Justice Sattar, running as the BNP's candidate was elected president, defeating Awami League contender Kamal Hossain and several others. President Sattar sought to follow the policies of his predecessor and retained essentially the same cabinet; his administration was ineffective, however, and the army resumed its former role as arbiter of the nation's fortunes. After considerable hesitation, the Chief of Army Staff, Lt. Gen. H.M. Ershad, assumed power in a bloodless coup in March 1982. Like his predecessors, Ershad dissolved parliament, declared martial law, assumed the position of CMLA, suspended the constitution, and banned political activity. As reasons for the army takeover, he cited pervasive corruption, ineffectual government, and economic mismanagement. Ershad reaffirmed Bangladesh's moderate, nonaligned foreign policy and said he aimed to cleanse the country of corruption, revitalize the economy through increased private sector activity, decentralize and streamline the bureaucracy, reform the legal system, and lay the foundation for a return to democratic institutions. In December 1983, Ershad assumed the presidency, while retaining his positions as army chief and CMLA. During most of 1984, Ershad sought the opposition parties' agreement to participate in a series of local elections leading up to national polls. Because the opposition refused to participate in any election while martial law remained in place, Ershad set aside previously announced elections plans. Throughout the period, there was an ebb and flow in the application of martial law regulations, as Ershad sought a formula for elections while dealing with potential threats to public order. Unwilling to relax martial law until a new constitutional system would be in place, Ershad attempted to move the electoral process forward by seeking public support for his regime in a national referendum on his leadership on March 21, 1985. He won overwhelmingly, although the turnout was small. Two months later, Ershad persevered in the face of opposition to hold elections for upazila (country-like administrative units) council chairmen. Progovernment candidates won a majority of the posts, setting in motion the president's ambitious decentralization program. Political life was further liberalized in late 1985 as Ershad pursued his plan to hold national elections; and on January 1, 1986, full political rights, including the right to hold large public rallies, were restored. At the same time, the Jatiyo (People's) Party, designed as Ershad's political vehicle for the transition from martial law, was established. New negotiations with opposition parties bore fruit when the Awami League--led by Sheikh Hasina Wajed, daughter of the slain Sheikh Mujibur Rahman--agreed to take part in parliamentary elections rescheduled for May. Although the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), led by President Zia's widow, Begum Khaleda Zia, declined to participate, the agreement by the AL and a number of other parties to campaign gave the process the credibility Ershad had long sought. Elections were held on schedule. The 300 elected seats of the National Assembly were filled, with the Jatiyo and its allies winning a modest majority and the opposition electing 122 members--the most in Bangladesh's history--despite widespread charges of voting irregularities, according to opposition leaders and the foreign press. The new National Assembly held a short session in July. The Awami League and its allies boycotted the session in protest against the alleged election irregularities and because martial law was still then in effect. Following by-elections in August, and in preparation for the scheduled presidential elections in October, Ershad resigned as Chief of Army Staff and retired from military service. Neither the BNP nor the AL put up an opposing candidate in the October election--again because of the continuation of martial law. Ershad easily outdistanced the remaining field of 11 candidates, taking 84% of the vote. Controversy again dogged the event, with Ershad's government claiming a turnout of more than 50% and opposition leaders and much of the foreign press estimating a far lower percentage and alleging new irregularities. Ershad, however, continued his commitment to lift martial law. On November 10, 1986, with the support of 30 appointive seats reserved for women and a number of independents who joined his ruling party, his government mustered the necessary two- thirds majority in the National Assembly to amend the constitution and confirm the previous actions of the martial law regime. The amendment also held the leaders of that regime legally blameless for their actions. Later the same day, the president lifted martial law, after which the opposition parties took their elected seats in the National Assembly. In July 1987, however, after the government hastily pushed through a controversial legislative bill to include military representation on local administrative councils, the opposition walked out of parliament in protest. Passage of this bill helped spark an opposition movement that quickly gathered momentum and that united Bangladesh's opposition parties for the first time. The movement was aimed at forcing Ershad from office through popular demonstrations and widespread street agitation. In October 1987, the government began to arrest scores of opposition activists under the Special Powers Act of 1974 after opposition plans to paralyze the government with massive crowds became known. Despite these arrests, the opposition parties continued to organize protest marches, processions, rallies, and nationwide strikes. On November 27, 1987, Ershad declared a state of emergency. On December 6, he dissolved Parliament following the resignation of one opposition party and a vote by the Awami League Presidium to follow suit. Citing constitutional imperative, Ershad scheduled new parliamentary elections for March 3, 1988. All major opposition parties refused government overtures to participate in these elections and maintained that the government was incapable of holding free and fair elections. Throughout this politically tumultuous period, the most serious challenge to his leadership of Bangladesh since assuming power, Ershad steadfastly refused to accede to opposition demands that he resign. The military backed him, and its continued support was critical to Ershad's ability to withstand opposition pressures. Despite the opposition boycott, the government proceeded with the March 3 polls. The ruling Jatiyo Party won 251 of the 300 seats; three other political parties which did participate, as well as a number of independent candidates, shared the remaining seats. On April 25, 1988, shortly after Ershad lifted the state of emergency, Bangladesh's fourth parliament opened for its first session. In the face of its failure to unseat Ershad, the opposition's fragile unity showed increasing signs of strain. Political rivalries and suspicions, never far from the surface, came increasingly to the fore. In addition, the severity and unprecedented scope of the floods that struck Bangladesh in the fall of 1988 served to distract national attention away from political concerns. The floods probably effectively quelled any opposition hopes to revive the anti-Ershad movement during Bangladesh's traditional "political season," i.e., the dry winter months. The government's well-managed flood relief efforts and its ability to prevent mass starvation through its food security system earned it, at least short-term political benefits. By early 1989, although there were no signs of a government- opposition accommodation, the domestic political situation in the country had quieted considerably. The parliament, while still regarded by the opposition as an illegitimate body, held its sessions as scheduled and passed a large number of legislative bills, including, in June 1988, a controversial amendment making Islam Bangladesh's state religion. Upazila elections held in March 1990 were observed by domestic and international observers and generally considered to have been less violent and more free and fair than previous elections. Presidential elections are due between April and October 1991, and parliamentary elections are due before March 1993. Source: U.S. Department of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, August 1990. </body> </article> </text>